Doctors appreciate having patients who are already briefed about current drug therapies, which saves time in a medical system that often requires doctors to see as many as thirty patients per day (New York Times, 2001). Critics of direct-to- consumer drug ads, including the American Medical Association, insurance providers, and many physicians cite increasing healthcare costs, improper prescriptions, and corrupted doctor-patient relations as this type of marketing's major resultant evils. Substantial evidence exists that the escalation of DTC advertising has increased expenditure on pharmaceutical purchases. Prescription drug spending increased 84% between 1993 and 1998, and it is estimated that consumer-directed advertising increased drug expenditure by $13 billion in 1998 alone (Cassels, 2001).

The twenty-five most advertised drugs of 2000 accounted for forty-one percent of expenditure on new prescriptions (Sherrid, 2000). Escalating prescription cost is of particular concern to healthcare providers such as HMOs and large corporations, which face a choice between curbing costs and cutting benefits (Cassels, 2001). Additionally, those without prescription drug coverage must pay the increased rates out-of-pocket (Shapiro and Schwarz, 2000). DTC proponents counter arguments centered on rising costs by claiming that increased outlays on prescriptions save money in the long run by preventing the need for more extensive medical care (Moore, 2000). Critics, however, cite the fact that the largest portion of the drug industry's advertising budget goes toward drugs for non-critical ailments such as heartburn, allergies, and hair loss (Moore, 2000).

Another argument presented by DTC opponents holds that these ads result in incorrect prescriptions by creating consumer demand for products regardless of actual need. Critics believe that consumers are sold the idea that a pill can instantly provide them with good health (Health Matters, 1998). Often, however, the drugs to which consumers are exposed are not even the most effective, but simply the ones with the largest advertising budgets (Headden and Melton, 1998). According to Shapiro and Schultz, patients, if refused specific prescriptions, will frequently visit another physician, who may comply with the request (2000). In addition to unnecessarily adding to healthcare costs, patient demand pressures doctors to give patients the drugs they request for fear of losing business (Shapiro and Schultz, 2000). Specific drug requests, according to Dr. Angelo Agro, often cause physicians to lose credibility in the eyes of the patient, who has been convinced by advertisements that the drug a physician refuses to prescribe is nonetheless the best option (Tanner, 2001).